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Written by: Super User

Created: 15 April 2025

Last Updated: 17 April 2025

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• What Independence?
• AI Research Inputs

UPDATE: One Day to 45 years of the collapse of Zimbabwe

In the last two days there has been a great deal of talk about Zimbabwe, but none so telling as one of the "talents" of the GNU - Tendai Biti - who in an 11 part twitter post exposed many of the internal failing of the hopelessly inept AND corrupt Zanu PF administration! None more symbolic of the failings and incompetence than this photo!!   x.com-BitiTendai-1 of 11 here is his most telling quote: 

""The regime in Harare is too insincere, too dishonest. It lacks the desire nor the ability to engage in genuine reform. It is driven by the insatiable quest for extraction & the power retention agenda. Nothing else matters""

Whist the regime (the elites within the regime) order the citizens to celebrate 45 years since "Independence", the rest of the World and the hard pressed (and now intimidated by proxy - PVO Bill) diaspora look on with almost palpable disbelief. Because, the Zanu PF regime, for 45 years have taken Zimbabwe (as it is now) to a time BEFORE Rhodesia was colonised! {but offering no excuses for that colonisation}.

45 years ago compared to the situation today - we hear Professor Gift Mugano Ph.D - @gift_mugano, AI reasearch from both GROK3 and DeepSeek

gift_mugano

It’s not yet uhuru comrade!

Counting down to celebrate what comrade when your government is worse than the Smith regime when it comes to:

1. Cracking down on its citizens - Smith never cracked down on the white population in the same manner your government is doing to us ref @bbmhlanga @JobSikhala1 @daddyhope @JoanaMamombe et al, @nelsonchamisa @ChibayaCCC @advocatemahere @JamesonTimba et al - the list is endless.

2. Corruption - the VP General Chiwenga correctly classified it as a security threat - Smith regime wasn’t that corrupt but production oriented - the industry which you see today which is now old & antiquated was established by Smith imimi chamakaita dololo

3. Poverty - close to 50% of the population is living under extreme poverty. This wasn’t the case under the Smith Administration

4. Lawlessness & drought of rule of law - you rape the laws & the constitution in an unprecedented fashion with a view to stay in power - hanzi na comrade Mahiya we can tear the constitution! Ndiyo independence yacho ere vakomana?

5. Currency less - in recent years we have changed our currency

6 times now. Smith had one currency which when we gained our independence it was stronger than the USD, that is, ZWD1 = US$1.5. 6. Diaspora - millions of Zimbabweans are in the diaspora both as economic & political refugees thanks to your useless policies, drought of leadership & lawlessness. I know that the majority of our fellow citizens are working & living under extreme conditions all because of your government. We never heard that under Smith Administration white people ran away from its government.

7. Rotten infrastructure - our current infrastructure requires US$30 billion to revamp. Smith cities & towns, constructed roads, hospitals, Kariba dam, electricity infrastructure, dams we are using today and our government has barely done anything and can’t even maintain what was left by Smith!

8. Informality - over 80% of the economy is now informal thanks to your useless policies which saw death of our local currency, joblessness & drought of production. Smith had a formal economy with a strong production base which powered the economy to have a strong currency.

9. Toxic politics - your government has created an environment for toxicities. Your party created @Varakashi4ED to rakasha us right not to unite the people? I saw your top party officials distributing smart phones as tools for rakasharing right? In Mashonaland East province, your own President @edmnangagwa introduced you as a minister who champions propaganda. Even in your party we see that you are calling each other out & suspending & expelling comrades - comrade @ChinamasaPA vakaita sevachapera izwi vachiverenga pages & pages of comrades who were either suspended or fired. Toxicity yacho yatodzikawo midzi muZANU.

10. Stolen elections & violent elections - we fought for one man one vote because Smith was violating our rights to exercise our rights to choose our own leaders. Your administration is not only violating our rights to choose our leaders through large scale rigging but is turning a blind eye when opposition members are being attacked & even killed during election campaigns ref Tapfumaneyi Masaya, Mboneni Ncube, Tinashe Chitsunge, the short or long sleeve of violent elections of 2008, etc The worst thing which has happened to Zimbabwe is to be ruled by @ZANUPF_Official government.

Itai mega independence celebrations yacho!

---

GROK3 Twitter/X AI research system:

We asked this question: Can you contrast the state of Zimbabwe on the 17th April 1980 (the day before independence) in terms of Infrastructure, GDP Measures (allowing for inflation) Inflation and Monetary Controls, Air Zimbabwe, Roads and Rail, Standards of living - schools, healthcare, manufacturing jobs etc. With Zimbabwe today - given that the Zanu PF regime is commanding the citizens to celebrate independence?

GROK3 Research Replied:

To contrast Zimbabwe’s state on April 17, 1980 (the day before independence, when it was still Rhodesia under white minority rule) with its condition today under ZANU-PF governance, I’ll examine key areas: infrastructure, GDP measures (inflation-adjusted), inflation and monetary controls, Air Zimbabwe, roads and rail, and standards of living (schools, healthcare, manufacturing jobs). The comparison highlights changes over 45 years, critically assessing the ZANU-PF narrative of independence as a cause for celebration. Data is drawn from historical records, economic analyses, and recent reports, with adjustments for inflation where possible. All monetary values are inflation-adjusted to 2025 US dollars unless stated otherwise, using approximate historical inflation rates and exchange rate data. I’ll avoid speculative narratives and stick to verifiable trends, noting where data is incomplete or contested.

1. Infrastructure

April 17, 1980 (Rhodesia):

• Overview: Rhodesia had one of the most developed infrastructures in Africa, inherited from colonial investments. It was designed to serve the white minority and export-oriented industries (agriculture, mining).
• Energy: Reliable electricity supply, primarily from the Kariba Dam (commissioned 1959), with 706 MW capacity, and coal plants like Hwange. Power served urban centers and commercial farms, though rural electrification was limited.
• Water and Sanitation: Urban areas like Salisbury (now Harare) and Bulawayo had modern water treatment and sewage systems. Rural areas, where most Black Zimbabweans lived, had minimal access (e.g., only 20% of rural households had piped water).
• Telecommunications: Advanced for the time, with landline networks in urban areas and radio communication for farms. Limited access for the Black majority.
• Assessment: Infrastructure was robust but racially unequal, prioritizing white settlers and export sectors. Maintenance was high due to sanctions-era self-reliance.

Today (April 2025):

• Overview: Infrastructure has deteriorated significantly due to underinvestment, corruption, and economic crises, though some sectors show recent improvements.
• Energy: Chronic power shortages, with Kariba’s output reduced by drought (e.g., 2024 El Niño cut hydropower). Hwange’s 2023 expansion added 600 MW, but outages persist, costing 6% of GDP annually. Only 52% of households have electricity access (World Bank, 2024).
• Water and Sanitation: Urban water systems are crumbling; Harare residents face frequent shortages and rely on boreholes. Rural access has improved marginally (44% of households with safe water, 2023), but sanitation lags (38% rural sanitation coverage).
• Telecommunications: Mobile penetration is high (90% own phones), but internet access is costly and unreliable (43% internet penetration, 2023). Rural areas remain underserved.
• Assessment: Infrastructure is now less reliable and equitable than in 1980. Urban decay and power crises hamper economic activity, despite some rural gains. ZANU-PF’s claims of progress are undermined by systemic neglect and reliance on foreign (e.g., Chinese) investment for upgrades.

2. GDP Measures (Inflation-Adjusted)

April 17, 1980 (Rhodesia):

• Nominal GDP: Approximately $5.1 billion USD (1980 dollars).
• Inflation-Adjusted GDP (2025 USD): Using US CPI inflation (1980–2025, ~3.5x multiplier), this equates to ~$18 billion USD.
• GDP Per Capita (2025 USD): With a population of 7 million, ~$2,570 per capita. However, wealth was skewed: whites (250,000) controlled 70% of income, while Blacks (6.75 million) averaged far less ($500–$700 per capita).
• Growth: GDP growth was stagnant (-0.5% in 1979) due to sanctions, war, and global oil shocks. Yet, Rhodesia’s economy was diversified (agriculture, mining, manufacturing).
• Assessment: Rhodesia’s economy was strong for a small population but deeply unequal. Black Zimbabweans were excluded from wealth, inflating aggregate figures.

Today (April 2025):

• Nominal GDP: Estimated at $27 billion USD (2023, World Bank, adjusted to 2025).
• Inflation-Adjusted GDP (2025 USD): ~$27 billion (no significant adjustment needed for 2023–2025). In PPP terms, the informal economy boosts this to ~$44 billion.
• GDP Per Capita (2025 USD): With a population of ~17 million, ~$1,590 per capita (nominal) or ~$2,590 (PPP). Inequality persists, with 38% below the poverty line ($1.90/day, 2023).
• Growth: Growth slowed to 2% in 2024 (from 5.3% in 2023) due to drought and mining price drops, with a projected rebound to 6% in 2025 (IMF). The economy contracted 40% between 2000–2007, recovering slowly post-2009.
• Assessment: Real GDP is higher than in 1980, reflecting population growth and informal sector contributions, but per capita GDP is lower, signalling reduced individual prosperity. ZANU-PF’s land reforms and mismanagement (e.g., 2000–2008 hyperinflation) eroded economic gains, contradicting celebratory narratives.

3. Inflation and Monetary Controls

April 17, 1980 (Rhodesia):

• Inflation: ~7% annually (1979), moderate despite sanctions and war. Prices were stable for urban consumers, though rural Blacks faced higher effective costs due to limited access.
• Currency: Rhodesian dollar (R$), pegged to the US dollar at near parity (R$1 ≈ $1.20 USD). It was stable but undervalued on black markets due to sanctions.
• Monetary Policy: The Reserve Bank of Rhodesia maintained tight controls, with limited money printing. Sanctions forced fiscal discipline, though war spending strained reserves.
• Assessment: Monetary stability was a strength, but access to currency and goods was racially restricted, limiting benefits for most Zimbabweans.

Today (April 2025):

• Inflation: ~7% cumulative for 2024 (post-ZiG introduction), down from 354% annually (2019–2023). Historical hyperinflation peaked at 89.7 sextillion % (2008), destroying the Zimbabwean dollar.
• Currency: Zimbabwe Gold (ZiG), introduced April 2024, backed by gold and USD reserves, replaced the ZWL (depreciated 70% in Q1 2024). ZiG’s stability is fragile; 80% of transactions use USD.
• Monetary Policy: The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) struggles with credibility. Quasi-fiscal operations (e.g., printing money for deficits) persist, despite IMF-recommended reforms. A 2024 IMF Staff Monitored Program aims to stabilize the ZiG.
• Assessment: Inflation is lower than recent decades but volatile, with monetary controls weakened by political interference and dollarization. ZANU-PF’s currency experiments (ZWL, ZiG) reflect ongoing instability, undermining claims of economic triumph.

4. Air Zimbabwe

April 17, 1980 (Rhodesia):

• Status: Operated as Air Rhodesia, a state-owned airline with a modern fleet (e.g., Boeing 707s, Vickers Viscounts). It served domestic routes (Salisbury, Bulawayo) and regional destinations (Johannesburg, Durban).
• Performance: Profitable despite sanctions, with high safety standards. Passenger numbers were ~300,000 annually, mostly white travellers and business elites.
• Challenges: Sanctions limited spare parts and fuel, and guerrilla attacks (e.g., 1978–79 Viscount shootdowns) disrupted operations.
• Assessment: Air Rhodesia was efficient but served a privileged minority, with limited access for Black Zimbabweans.

Today (April 2025):

• Status: Air Zimbabwe is a shadow of its former self, plagued by mismanagement and debt ($300 million+, 2023). The fleet is reduced to 2–3 operational aircraft (e.g., one Boeing 737, one Embraer ERJ-145).
• Performance: Flights are irregular, covering Harare, Bulawayo, and Johannesburg, with occasional routes to Victoria Falls. Passenger numbers are low (~50,000 annually), and the airline survives on government bailouts.
• Challenges: Corruption, unpaid staff, and grounded planes due to maintenance issues. Competition from private carriers (e.g., fastjet) and regional airlines dominates.
• Assessment: Air Zimbabwe’s collapse reflects ZANU-PF’s mismanagement. Its decline from a regional player to a near-defunct entity contradicts narratives of post-independence progress.

5. Roads and Rail

April 17, 1980 (Rhodesia):

• Roads: ~12,000 km of paved roads, among the best in Africa, connecting commercial farms, mines, and cities. Maintenance was high, but rural roads for Black communities were often gravel or dirt.
• Rail: ~3,400 km of rail (National Railways of Rhodesia), linking Salisbury, Bulawayo, and ports (Beira, Maputo). It was efficient for freight (minerals, tobacco) and passengers, handling ~10 million tons annually.
• Assessment: Transport infrastructure was world-class but prioritized white economic interests. Rural Black areas were underserved, limiting access to markets.

Today (April 2025):

• Roads: ~18,000 km of paved roads, but 60% are in poor condition (potholes, erosion) due to underfunding. Urban roads (e.g., Harare) are congested; rural roads remain underdeveloped. Recent Chinese-funded upgrades (e.g., Harare–Mutare highway) are limited.
• Rail: ~3,100 km of track, but only 50% is operational (National Railways of Zimbabwe). Freight volume is ~2 million tons (2023), hampered by aging locomotives and vandalism. Passenger services are nearly non-existent.
• Assessment: Roads and rail have regressed in quality and capacity. ZANU-PF’s reliance on foreign loans for sporadic upgrades fails to restore 1980s efficiency, belying claims of infrastructural advancement.

6. Standards of Living (Schools, Healthcare, Manufacturing Jobs)

April 17, 1980 (Rhodesia):

• Schools:
  • Access: Education was segregated. Whites had access to elite schools with modern facilities; Blacks attended underfunded mission or government schools. Primary enrolment was ~50% for Black children; secondary was ~5%.
  • Outcomes: Literacy was ~40% (Black population), with high standards for whites. Black students faced barriers (fees, distance).
  • Assessment: Education was robust for whites, abysmal for Blacks, perpetuating inequality.
• Healthcare:
  • Access: Urban hospitals (e.g., Parirenyatwa) were world-class for whites; Blacks relied on understaffed clinics. ~25% of children were vaccinated (1980).
  • Outcomes: Life expectancy was ~55 years (overall), but ~45 for Blacks due to malnutrition and disease. Infant mortality was ~100/1,000 (Blacks) vs. ~20/1,000 (whites).
  • Assessment: Healthcare was advanced but racially exclusive, with minimal rural coverage.
• Manufacturing Jobs:
  • Status: Manufacturing contributed 25% of GDP, employing ~150,000 (mostly Blacks in low-wage roles). Sectors included textiles, food processing, and steel.
  • Conditions: Black workers earned ~10% of white wages; job security was low. Sanctions spurred local industry, but growth was limited.
  • Assessment: Manufacturing was vibrant but exploitative, with Blacks marginalized in low-skill roles.

Today (April 2025):

• Schools:
  • Access: Universal primary education since 1980; enrolment is ~90% (primary) and ~50% (secondary). Rural schools lack resources (e.g., 1 teacher per 40 students).
  • Outcomes: Literacy is ~89% (2023), a major gain. However, quality is poor; only 30% of students pass O-Level exams. Brain drain (teachers emigrating) exacerbates shortages.
  • Assessment: Access has improved dramatically, but quality and equity lag. ZANU-PF’s education expansion is a partial success but marred by underfunding.
• Healthcare:
  • Access: Vaccination rates rose to 67% by 1988 but stagnated (~70%, 2023). Rural clinics are understaffed; urban hospitals face drug shortages. HIV/AIDS prevalence is ~12%, with limited ART access.
  • Outcomes: Life expectancy is ~61 years (2023), up from 1980 but below regional averages. Infant mortality is ~40/1,000, improved but stagnant since 2000.
  • Assessment: Healthcare access is broader but strained by economic collapse and corruption. ZANU-PF’s claims of progress overstate reality.
• Manufacturing Jobs:
  • Status: Manufacturing is ~10% of GDP, employing ~80,000 (2023). Output fell 47% (2000–2007) due to land reforms, power cuts, and forex shortages.
  • Conditions: Wages are low (~$200/month, 2025 USD); 85% of jobs are informal. Investment needs ($8 billion) remain unmet.
  • Assessment: Manufacturing has collapsed, with fewer, less secure jobs. ZANU-PF’s industrial policies (e.g., 2024–2030 ZNIDP) have yet to reverse decline.

Critical Analysis and ZANU-PF’s Narrative

1980 Context: Rhodesia’s economy and infrastructure were advanced but built on racial exclusion, with Black Zimbabweans denied equitable access to wealth, education, and services. The system was unsustainable, as sanctions and guerrilla war eroded stability, necessitating independence.

Today’s Reality: ZANU-PF’s 45-year rule has mixed outcomes:

• Successes: Expanded education and healthcare access, reduced racial inequality, and increased rural infrastructure (e.g., water systems). Literacy and vaccination rates are notable achievements.
• Failures: Economic mismanagement, hyperinflation (2007–2009), and land reform chaos (2000–2008) triggered a 40% GDP contraction, infrastructure decay, and mass emigration (~3 million skilled workers). Corruption, power shortages, and debt ($21.2 billion, 96% of GDP, 2023) stifle growth.
• Living Standards: While literacy and life expectancy have improved, poverty (38% below $1.90/day) and unemployment (19–21% formal, 85% informal) are worse than in 1980 for most Zimbabweans. Real wages and job quality have plummeted.

ZANU-PF’s Celebration Narrative: The regime frames independence as a triumph of Black empowerment and self-determination, citing land redistribution and social programs. However, this glosses over economic collapse, elite capture of land (ZANU-PF loyalists dominate), and ongoing crises (e.g., 2024 drought, currency volatility). The command to celebrate ignores the lived reality of power cuts, joblessness, and healthcare shortages, which contrast starkly with Rhodesia’s (albeit unequal) stability.

Counterpoint: Some argue ZANU-PF faced unfair challenges—Western sanctions, drought, and colonial legacies. Sanctions (e.g., US, EU, 2000–2024) targeted elites but indirectly hurt the economy. Yet, evidence suggests internal mismanagement (e.g., printing money, war spending) was the primary driver of decline, not external factors.

Conclusion

In 1980, Rhodesia was a structurally developed but racially oppressive state with robust infrastructure, stable currency, and a diversified economy that excluded most Zimbabweans. Today, Zimbabwe under ZANU-PF has broader social access but is plagued by decayed infrastructure, volatile currency, and a weaker economy. GDP per capita is lower, Air Zimbabwe and rail are near collapse, and manufacturing has shrunk, though education and healthcare access have improved. ZANU-PF’s call to celebrate independence highlights real gains in equity but ignores catastrophic economic failures and ongoing hardship. For most citizens, the contrast between 1980’s potential and 2025’s reality tempers any sense of triumph.

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DeepSeek AI Research System

We asked this question: Can you contrast the state of Zimbabwe on the 17th April 1980 (the day before independence) in terms of Infrastructure, GDP Measures (allowing for inflation) Inflation and Monetary Controls, Air Zimbabwe, Roads and Rail, Standards of living - schools, healthcare, manufacturing jobs etc. With Zimbabwe today - given that the Zanu PF regime is commanding the citizens to celebrate independence?

DeepSeek (Perplexity Access) Research Replied:

Zimbabwe’s infrastructure, economy, and living standards have undergone significant transformations since independence in 1980, marked by early achievements followed by prolonged challenges. Here’s a structured comparison:

Infrastructure

1980: At independence, Zimbabwe inherited a functional infrastructure network, including a national electricity grid, regional power interconnections, extensive road and rail systems, and developed water/sewerage systems1. Roads were well-maintained, and railways efficiently connected regional corridors1.

Today: Infrastructure has deteriorated due to decades of underinvestment and neglect. Power shortages, unreliable water supply, and dilapidated roads/railways are widespread16. Rehabilitation efforts face funding shortfalls, and border delays hinder regional trade1. New projects like Batoka Hydro and solar initiatives aim to address energy deficits but remain incomplete63.

GDP and Inflation

1980: Post-independence, Zimbabwe had a diversified economy with strong agriculture, mining, and manufacturing sectors. Inflation was stable, and the currency (Rhodesian dollar) was robust57.

Today: GDP growth has been volatile, with hyperinflation peaking at 89.7 sextillion percent in 20085. Recent growth dipped to 2% in 2024 due to droughts and macroeconomic instability3. Forecasts suggest 6% growth in 2025 if reforms succeed8. The Zimbabwean dollar, reintroduced in 2019, struggles with depreciation and liquidity crises73.

Air Transport

1980: Air Zimbabwe (then Air Rhodesia) had a growing fleet, connecting regional destinations and supporting tourism1.

Today: The airline faces financial distress, with aging aircraft and reduced competitiveness. Regional connectivity persists but is hampered by operational inefficiencies1.

Standards of Living

Education and Healthcare (1980): High literacy rates (over 80%) and accessible healthcare marked early independence achievements15.

Today: Education quality has declined due underfunding, while healthcare systems grapple with shortages of drugs and equipment13. Access to piped water and sanitation has regressed, particularly in urban areas1.

Manufacturing and Employment

1980: Manufacturing contributed ~25% to GDP, supported by a skilled workforce and robust infrastructure75.

Today: Deindustrialization accelerated after 2000 due to land reforms, power shortages, and currency instability57. Manufacturing now accounts for 10–15% of GDP, with limited value addition in sectors like mining and agriculture36.

Monetary Controls

1980: The Rhodesian dollar was stable, backed by prudent fiscal policies and agricultural exports57.

Today: Recurrent hyperinflation (e.g., 2020–2023) forced dollarization in 2009, reversed in 2019. Current policies blend RTGS dollars and forex, but confidence remains low37.

Political Context

While ZANU-PF’s post-independence infrastructure investments initially boosted growth, economic mismanagement, land reforms, and political instability eroded gains57. Recent reforms under the 2025 Budget Strategy Paper aim to stabilize the economy through infrastructure spending and industrial growth, but challenges like corruption and climate shocks persist24.

In summary, Zimbabwe’s post-independence trajectory reflects initial promise overshadowed by systemic decline, with current efforts focusing on rebuilding amid enduring structural weaknesses.

Citations:

1. worldbank.org-AICD-Zimbabwe-country-report.pdf
2. zimtreasury - 2024/08/Budget-Strategy-Paper-FINAL
3. worldbank.org - zimbabwe-overview
4. futures.issafrica.org/geographic/guide.pdf
5. oxfordre.com - africanhistory
6. zimtreasury.co.zw - ZIM-ASSET.pdf
7. futures.issafrica.org - zimbabwe
8. firstmutual.co.zw - Economic-Review-2025-Investments-Outlook
9. elibrary.imf.org/view/journals/002/1997/059
10. afdb.org - Zimbabwe Report_Chapter 209.pdf
11. afdb.org - Zimbabwe Report_Book22
12. ilo.org/sites - wcms_861874.pdf
13. ppp.worldbank.org - AICD-Zimbabwe-country-report.pdf
14. elibrary.imf.org 2010/article-A001-en.xml
15. elibrary.imf.org 1996/article-A001-en.pdf
16. https://www.economy.com/zimbabwe/indicators
17. documents.worldbank.org/WP-PUBLIC-15-6-2017-15-24-30-ZimbabweEconomicUpdate.pdf
18. 2009-2017.state.gov/zimbabwe/
19. https://faolex.fao.org/docs/pdf/zim151067.pdf
20. https://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/352041468334456272/pdf/multi-page.pdf
21. https://futures.issafrica.org/geographic/countries/zimbabwe/
22. https://bsc.croneri.co.uk/countries/zimbabwe?topic=3221
23. https://media.afreximbank.com/afrexim/Monthly-Development-in-the-African-Macroeconomic-Environment-%E2%80%93-January-2025.pdf
24. https://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2025/02/13/pr-2535-zimbabwe-imf-completes-smp-discussion-mission
25. https://ourworldindata.org/country/zimbabwe
26. https://www.imf.org/external/datamapper/profile/ZWE
27. https://sdgs.un.org/sites/default/files/2023-10/Session%201_Tracy.Chiyankike.MOFED_.Agenda%202030%20&%20NDS1%20Implementation.pdf
28. https://veritaszim.net/sites/veritas_d/files/NDS.pdf
29. https://www.veritaszim.net/sites/veritas_d/files/The%202024%20Budget%20Statement.pdf
30. https://zimembassydc.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/Zimbabwe-Vision-2030.pdf
31. https://billmitchell.org/blog/?p=3773
32. https://www4.unfccc.int/sites/PublicNAMA/_layouts/UN/FCCC/NAMA/Download.aspx?ListName=NAMA&Id=163&FileName=Zim-Asset.pdf
33. https://www.afdb.org/fileadmin/uploads/afdb/Documents/Generic-Documents/1.%20Standalone%20Summary%20Report.pdf
34. https://www.prosperity.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/Zimbabwe-Economic-Openness-Case-Study.pdf
35. https://www.cgdev.org/sites/default/files/Tendai-Biti-Zimbabwe-Sept-2015.pdf
36. https://zimtreasury.co.zw/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/2025-INFRASTRUCTURE-Development-Programme.pdf

Answer from Perplexity: pplx.ai/share

Details

Written by: Super User

Created: 12 April 2025

Last Updated: 12 April 2025

Hits: 238

• Zanu PF are NOT a Government
• vote rigging
• Injustice in Zimbabwe
• No Democratic Space in Zimbabwe
• 45km-45 days-45 weeks-45 years
• 45 years

45 years, 45 days, 45 weeks, 45 km or 45 miles; A year long campaign

The enactment of the Private Voluntary Organisations (PVO) Amendment Bill in Zimbabwe on April 11, 2025, has indeed raised significant concerns about the erosion of democratic space. The bill, signed into law by President Emmerson Mnangagwa, grants the government extensive powers to regulate NGOs, including the ability to oversee their operations and potentially limit their activities. Critics, including civil society groups, argue it stifles independent voices and restricts freedoms of association and expression, further shrinking civic space in the country.

ON 30th May 2024 ZHRO, ROHR, CCC and ZAPU Petitioned the UK Government about the dangers within this PVO Bill READ Their Petition {HERE}

The case of journalist Blessed Mhlanga, arrested on February 24, 2025, and facing up to 45 days in pretrial detention on charges of incitement under the 2021 Cyber and Data Protection Act, underscores these concerns. His detention for interviewing a war veteran critical of the government highlights the ongoing challenges to press freedom and free speech in Zimbabwe.

The Zimbabwe Human Rights Organisation (ZHRO)’s planned petition to the UK Prime Minister on April 18, 2025, coinciding with Zimbabwe’s 45th anniversary of independence, reflects deep frustration with the lack of meaningful democratic progress. Their “What Independence?” sentiment, echoed since the 2017 Take2Zimbabwe campaign, questions the reality of freedom under the current regime. The 45km Walk to Nowhere campaign poignantly symbolizes this stagnation, portraying a nation struggling with governance, human rights abuses, and economic chaos despite decades of nominal independence.

While these events paint a grim picture, the Zimbabwean government claims the PVO Bill is necessary to curb money laundering and terrorism financing. However, the broad and vague provisions of the law, combined with cases like Mhlanga’s, suggest an intent to control dissent rather than address legitimate security concerns. The international community, including groups like Amnesty International and UN experts, (read their reports by clicking these web links) has urged reconsideration of such measures, warning of their chilling effect on civil society.

ZHRO’s actions highlight a call for global attention to Zimbabwe’s plight. Whether their petition and campaign will shift policy or merely amplify the diaspora’s voice remains uncertain, but they reflect a persistent demand for accountability and true democratic reform.

Join us on the 18th April 2025 at Downing Street and the Zimbabwe Embassy to highlight the destruction of a Nation! AND Support our 45 Campaign on this 45th Anniversary of a False Independence

 

 

Details

Written by: Super User

Created: 07 April 2025

Last Updated: 10 April 2025

Hits: 248

• Walk for Freedom
• Walk to Nowhere
• 45km-45 days-45 weeks-45 years

Our Request: “On the 18th April it will be 45 years since the Independence in Zimbabwe, fought by ZIPRA and ZANLA. However very little is evident of actual independence in today's Zimbabwe. In addition, as ZHRO we have created a "Walk for Freedom" campaign since 2017 {see ZHRO Walks 2017 - today } to question what is happening in Zimbabwe.”

Update 10^th April 2025: Downing St. Police Unit have approved our PETITION delivery 13:30 FRIDAY 18th April

A Call to Action: 45 Years of Stagnation – The “Walk to Nowhere” Campaign

On 18^th April 2025, Zimbabwe will mark 45 years since its historic Independence, a hard-won victory achieved through the sacrifices of the Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) and the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA). This milestone should be a time of celebration, reflection, and pride in the promise of a free and prosperous nation. Yet, for many Zimbabweans—both at home and in the diaspora—the reality of independence feels hollow.

Decades of misrule, corruption, and repression have left the country in a state of stagnation, where the dreams of 1980 have faded into a "nowhere" of unfulfilled potential.

To mark this bittersweet anniversary, the Zimbabwe Human Rights Organisation (ZHRO) is launching a bold new campaign: the “Walk to Nowhere”—a combined Independence protest and a symbolic 45-mile (or 45-kilometer) walk. This initiative builds on ZHRO’s established “Walk for Freedom” campaign, which, since 2017, has seen activists cover gruelling distances—such as the 105km trek from Brighton to London—to highlight the ongoing human rights abuses and lack of democratic progress in Zimbabwe. Now, on this 45th anniversary, we invite Zimbabweans and their supporters worldwide to join us in a poignant demonstration that mirrors the nation’s journey: 45 years, 45 miles, and still nowhere near true freedom.

Why 45?

The number 45 is more than just a marker of years since Independence. It is a stark symbol of Zimbabwe’s arrested development. After 45 years, millions of Zimbabweans endure poverty, unemployment, and repression under a regime that has clung to power since 1980, led by the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF). The liberation armies fought for self-determination, equality, and justice, yet today’s Zimbabwe is plagued by economic collapse, rampant corruption, and a ruling elite that prioritizes power over the people. The “Walk to Nowhere” reflects this paradox—a long, arduous journey that has led not to progress, but to a dead end.

The “Walk to Nowhere” Campaign

The “Walk to Nowhere” is both a physical and symbolic act of protest. From 18^th April 2025, for a YEAR, ZHRO calls on activists, diaspora communities, and allies to participate in walks spanning 45 miles (approximately 72 kilometers) or 45 kilometers (approximately 28 miles - ideal for a day)—distances that echo and reflect upon the 45 years since Independence. These walks will take place across the globe, from the streets of Harare (given sensible precautions see below) to the countryside of the UK, South Africa, Europe, USA and beyond, wherever Zimbabweans and their supporters reside.

• Purpose: To protest the lack of genuine independence and demand accountability, democracy, and human rights in Zimbabwe.
• Route: Walks can follow circular routes that return to their starting point—symbolizing a nation trapped in a cycle of stagnation—or end at significant locations like embassies or public squares, amplifying the call for change.
• Message: Participants are encouraged to carry placards with slogans like “45 Years, Still Nowhere,” “Independence for Who?” and “Walk for Freedom, Walk for Justice,” drawing attention to the disconnect between the promise of 1980 and the reality of 2025.
• Donations: Donations of any amount can be made via this link {DONATION} or the QR Cash-Back PDF CLICK HERE.

This campaign builds on ZHRO’s legacy of endurance and activism. Since 2017, our “Walk for Freedom” has seen dedicated individuals brave long distances to spotlight issues like electoral fraud, maternal mortality, and the denial of diaspora voting rights (see more at ZHRO/15-105km-"Walks/45 for Freedom 2017- 2025"). The “Walk to Nowhere” takes this spirit further, using the symbolic power of 45 to confront the world with Zimbabwe’s plight.

A Global Movement

The beauty of this campaign lies in its accessibility. Whether you walk 45 miles or 45 kilometres, 45 days at 1 mile or 1km a day, alone or in a group, in Zimbabwe or abroad, your steps will join a chorus of voices demanding change. For those unable to cover the full distance, shorter “solidarity walks” or virtual participation through social media (using hashtags like #WalkToNowhere and #Zim45) can amplify the message. Drumming, singing, and speeches—hallmarks of ZHRO’s past protests—will accompany the walks, turning them into vibrant demonstrations of resilience and hope.

In Zimbabwe, where protests are often met with violence, we urge participants to prioritize safety and adhere to local laws, while still making their voices heard. Abroad, the diaspora can use their freedom to speak louder, pressuring governments and international bodies to address Zimbabwe’s crisis.

Reflecting on 45 Years

As we walk, we reflect. ZIPRA and ZANLA fought for a Zimbabwe where every citizen could thrive, not just survive. Yet, 45 years later, the maternal mortality rate remains alarmingly high (462 deaths per 100,000 live births, according to WHO’s 2024 report), youth unemployment soars, and political dissent is crushed. The “Walk to Nowhere” is a call to reclaim the independence that was promised—a reminder that the struggle continues.

Join Us

From the 18^th of April 2025 to 18th April 2026, let’s walk together—not to celebrate a hollow milestone, but to demand the Zimbabwe our forebears envisioned. Register your walk with ZHRO, organize locally, and spread the word. After 45 years of going nowhere, it’s time to chart a new path.

For more details, visit https://zhro.org.uk/45 or follow us on social media. Together, we walk for freedom, justice, and a future worth fighting for.